John McAfee, Anti-Virus Software Creator, Wanted for Murder















11/12/2012 at 07:20 PM EST







John McAfee, in early photo


John Storey/Time Life Pictures/Getty


John McAfee, the high-tech pioneer whose anti-virus security software is installed on countless computers around the world, is on the lam from police in Belize who are investigating the murder of his neighbor.

The 67-year-old multimillionaire is a prime suspect in the Nov. 10 killing of Gregory Faull, says Vienne Robinson, assistant superintendent of the Belize's San Pedro police department, who spoke to Fox News.

"We are looking for him in connection with the murder," says Robinson, who adds that another suspect is currently in custody – although no charges have been filed yet.

Faull, who had recently filed a police complaint against McAfee for discharging firearms, was discovered by a housekeeper, according to a police report posted on gizmodo.com.

Faull, a 52-year-old builder from California, was reportedly lying face-up in a pool of blood with a bullet wound in the back of his head. On a nearby stair, police found a single 9-mm shell casing.

McAfee, whose former company was purchased by Intel in 2010 for nearly $7.7 billion, moved to Belize in 2008, intending to launch a company that manufactured herbal antibiotics from jungle plants.

In recent years, however, his strange behavior had alienated him from neighbors and others in the American expat community in the Central American country, according to reports.

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British medical journal slams Roche on Tamiflu

LONDON (AP) — A leading British medical journal is asking the drug maker Roche to release all its data on Tamiflu, claiming there is no evidence the drug can actually stop the flu.

The drug has been stockpiled by dozens of governments worldwide in case of a global flu outbreak and was widely used during the 2009 swine flu pandemic.

On Monday, one of the researchers linked to the BMJ journal called for European governments to sue Roche.

"I suggest we boycott Roche's products until they publish missing Tamiflu data," wrote Peter Gotzsche, leader of the Nordic Cochrane Centre in Copenhagen. He said governments should take legal action against Roche to get the money back that was "needlessly" spent on stockpiling Tamiflu.

Last year, Tamiflu was included in a list of "essential medicines" by the World Health Organization, a list that often prompts governments or donor agencies to buy the drug.

Tamiflu is used to treat both seasonal flu and new flu viruses like bird flu or swine flu. WHO spokesman Gregory Hartl said the agency had enough proof to warrant its use for unusual influenza viruses, like bird flu.

"We do have substantive evidence it can stop or hinder progression to severe disease like pneumonia," he said.

In the U.S., the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention recommends Tamiflu as one of two medications for treating regular flu. The other is GlaxoSmithKline's Relenza. The CDC says such antivirals can shorten the duration of symptoms and reduce the risk of complications and hospitalization.

In 2009, the BMJ and researchers at the Nordic Cochrane Centre asked Roche to make all its Tamiflu data available. At the time, Cochrane Centre scientists were commissioned by Britain to evaluate flu drugs. They found no proof that Tamiflu reduced the number of complications in people with influenza.

"Despite a public promise to release (internal company reports) for each (Tamiflu) trial...Roche has stonewalled," BMJ editor Fiona Godlee wrote in an editorial last month.

In a statement, Roche said it had complied with all legal requirements on publishing data and provided Gotzsche and his colleagues with 3,200 pages of information to answer their questions.

"Roche has made full clinical study data ... available to national health authorities according to their various requirements, so they can conduct their own analyses," the company said.

Roche says it doesn't usually release patient-level data available due to legal or confidentiality constraints. It said it did not provide the requested data to the scientists because they refused to sign a confidentiality agreement.

Roche is also being investigated by the European Medicines Agency for not properly reporting side effects, including possible deaths, for 19 drugs including Tamiflu that were used in about 80,000 patients in the U.S.

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Online:

www.bmj.com.tamiflu/

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Noguez's council account offers leads in corruption probe









When John Noguez ran for Los Angeles County assessor in 2010, large donations started pouring into his "office holder" account at Huntington Park City Hall, where Noguez served as a councilman.

Of more than $100,000 that flowed through the account that year, only one $250 donation came from a Huntington Park address, records show. The vast majority came from downtown Los Angeles business owners.

Within months of Noguez's election, he and his top aides knocked at least $36 million off the assessed values of properties owned by donors to that Huntington Park fund, a Times investigation has found. Those reductions lowered the donors' property taxes and prompted the county to write tax refund checks worth more than $557,000 to them in the first year of Noguez's term.





The list of donors to the Huntington Park account offers new leads for investigators probing corruption in the assessor's office. Noguez is now in jail after his arrest last month on charges that he took $185,000 in bribes from a prominent tax consultant and campaign contributor to lower taxes for properties on the Westside and in the South Bay.

A Times review of records shows that many of the contributions to Noguez's City Council account came from corporate entities registered to commercial property owners in downtown Los Angeles. Unlike Noguez's official campaign accounts for county assessor, the Huntington Park fund had no contribution limits, no restrictions on how the money could be spent, and its records were never posted online for public scrutiny.

By giving to the Huntington Park fund, many donors were able to exceed the $2,000 individual contribution limits imposed by the county for the 2010 campaign.

Most of the contributors to the Huntington Park account did not return phone calls requesting comment for this story. Those who did speak said any tax breaks they got after the election were appropriate and had nothing to do with their contributions.

"Noguez didn't do anything out of the ordinary, he's a very nice guy," said Ben Neman, who on March 2, 2010, made six separate $1,000 contributions to the Huntington Park account from companies he controls. Neman owns commercial property in downtown Los Angeles.

The companies are registered to the same address — Neman's office on South Los Angeles Street in the garment district.

Within months of the election, Noguez and his staff reduced the taxable value of properties that Neman's companies own by $8.1 million, records show, generating $103,555 worth of refund checks from the county.

Neman said that all of his reductions were warranted due to the drop in real estate values, and that Noguez did him no favors. He also said he didn't know which Noguez account his money had gone to because his secretary handled the details.

"To be honest with you, this is the first time I'm hearing about this Huntington Park account," Neman said.

Businessmen Robert Hanasab and his father, Moosa, wrote $1,000 checks to the Huntington Park account from three companies registered to them at their downtown office across from Pershing Square, the records show.

Months after Noguez's election, the assessed value of the properties owned by the Hanasabs were reduced by $7.5 million, generating refund checks worth $148,835, records show.

"I don't remember how or why we contributed to that particular account," said Robert Hanasab, who said he hosted a fundraiser for Noguez because "he seemed like he was on the side of fairness."

Hanasab and family members also contributed $4,150 to Noguez's county campaign accounts, records show. Hanasab said he never discussed any "particular property" with Noguez. Instead of receiving favors from the assessor, Hanasab said he was disappointed by how difficult the process of appealing a property's value remained even after the election.

"You'd still have to fight tooth and nail with the assessor to give you just what you deserve," Hanasab said.

Noguez spread the money from his Huntington Park account to other candidates running for local and state offices. Thousands went to consultants who also worked on his county assessor campaign.

There's nothing in state law that would have prohibited Noguez from accepting unlimited contributions to his Huntington Park account and spending it on his assessor race, according to Gary Winuk, chief of enforcement for the California Fair Political Practices Commission.

Law enforcement sources, who requested anonymity because the case is ongoing, said prosecutors are looking at the Huntington Park contributions for any evidence that Noguez accepted them in exchange for reducing property tax bills.





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Tunisia Battles Over Pulpits and a Revolution’s Legacy


Moises Saman for The New York Times


Female students at the Grand Mosque in Kairouan, Tunisia, a site of anti-Western sermons.







KAIROUAN, Tunisia — On the Friday after Tunisia’s president fell, Mohamed al-Khelif mounted the pulpit of this city’s historic Grand Mosque to deliver a full-throttle attack on the country’s corrupt culture, to condemn its close ties with the West and to demand that a new constitution implement Shariah, or Islamic law.




“They’ve slaughtered Islam!” thundered Dr. Khelif, whom the ousted government had barred from preaching for 20 years. “Whoever fights Islam and implements Western plans becomes in the eyes of Western politicians a blessed leader and a reformer, even if he was the most criminal leader with the dirtiest hands.”


Mosques across Tunisia blazed with similar sermons that day and indeed every Friday since, in what has become the battle of the pulpit, a heated competition to define Tunisia’s religious and political identity.


Revolution freed the country’s estimated 5,000 officially sanctioned mosques from the rigid controls of the previous government, which appointed every prayer leader and issued lists of acceptable topics for their Friday sermons.


That system pushed a moderate, apolitical model of Islam that avoided confronting a dictator. When the system collapsed last year, ultraconservative Salafis seized control of up to 500 mosques by government estimates. The government, a proponent of a more temperate political Islam, says it has since wrested back control of all but 70 of the mosques, but acknowledges it has not yet routed the extremists nor thwarted their agenda.


“Before, the state suffocated religion — they controlled the imams, the sermons, the mosques,” said Sheik Tai’eb al-Ghozzi, the Friday Prayer leader at the Grand Mosque here. “Now everything is out of control — the situation is better but needs control.”


To this day, Salafi clerics like Dr. Khelif, who espouse the most puritanical, most orthodox interpretation of Islam, hammer on favorite themes that include implementing Islamic law immediately, veiling women, outlawing alcohol, shunning the West and joining the jihad in Syria. Democracy, they insist, is not compatible with Islam.


“If the majority is ignorant of religious instruction, then they are against God,” said Sheik Khatib al-Idrissi, 60, considered the spiritual guide of all Tunisian Salafis. “If the majority is corrupt, how can we accept them? Truth is in the governance of God.”


The battle for Tunisia’s mosques is one front in a broader struggle, as pockets of extremism take hold across the region. Freshly minted Islamic governments largely triumphed over their often fractious, secular rivals in post-revolutionary elections. But those new governments are locked in fierce, sometimes violent, competition with the more hard-line wing of the Islamic political movements over how much of the faith can mix with democracy, over the very building blocks of religious identity. That competition is especially significant in Tunisia, once the most secular of the Arab nations, with a large educated middle class and close ties to Europe.


The Arab Spring began in Tunisia, and its ability to reconcile faith and governance may well serve as a barometer for the region.


Some analysts link the assertive Tunisian Salafi movement to what they consider a worrying spread of violent extremism across North Africa — including an affiliate of Al Qaeda seizing control of northern Mali; a murderous attack on the American diplomatic mission in Benghazi, Libya; a growing jihadi force in Sinai facing Israel; and a mob looting an American school and parts of the United States Embassy in Tunis.


Senior government officials said the various groups share an ideology and are in contact with one another, suggesting that while they are scattered and do not coordinate their operations, they reinforce one another’s agendas. There have been several episodes of jihadists caught smuggling small arms from Libya to Mali or Algeria across Tunisia, for example, including two small trucks packed with Kalashnikovs and some manner of shoulder-fired missiles or grenades in June, said Ali Laarayedh, the interior minister.


President Moncef Marzouki and several ministers blamed the domestic spread of Islamic extremism on the ousted government, saying it created a vacuum by gutting traditional religious education over the past 50 years. Mr. Marzouki estimated that the number of violent extremists was only about 3,000, but he acknowledged that they were a growing menace to national security.


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Malaysian charged with Facebook insult of sultan; sister says he’ll file police complaint
















KUALA LUMPUR, Malaysia – The sister of a Malaysian man who has been charged with insulting a state sultan on Facebook says he is innocent and plans to lodge a complaint over his detention.


Anisa Abdul Jalil, sister of Ahmad Abdul Jalil, says her brother was charged Thursday with making offensive postings on Facebook last month.













She says the charges are ridiculous because there is no evidence linking Ahmad to the posts in question, which were made by someone using the name “Zul Yahaya.”


Ahmad was freed on bail Thursday after six days of detention. Anisa says he will file a complaint with police for unlawful detention and intimidation.


Nine Malaysian states have sultans and other royal figures. Though their roles are largely ceremonial, acts provoking hatred against them are considered seditious.


Social Media News Headlines – Yahoo! News



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Tori Spelling Introduces Son Finn Davey




Celebrity Baby Blog





11/11/2012 at 08:00 PM ET



Tori Spelling Introduces Son Finn Davey
Michael Simon/Startraks


Meet Finn Davey McDermott!


Tori Spelling and Dean McDermott introduce their fourth child, posing inside the 10-week-old’s nursery in a set of recently released photos.


After a difficult pregnancy that included hospitalization and bedrest due to placenta previa, the actress delivered her son via c-section at 37 weeks.


“I would rub my belly and talk to Finn. I kept telling him, ‘We’re going to be fine’ and ‘I can’t wait to hold you,’” Spelling, 39, tells PEOPLE.


Now happy and healthy at home, Finn joins siblings Hattie, 13 months, Stella, 4, and Liam, 5½, as well as Jack, 14, McDermott’s son from a prior marriage.


Check back Monday, when PEOPLE.com will have an exclusive look at all of Finn’s nursery details.


Tori Spelling Introduces Son Finn Davey
Michael Simon/Startraks


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Food labels multiply, some confuse consumers

FRESNO, Calif. (AP) — Want to avoid pesticides and antibiotics in your produce, meat, and dairy foods? Prefer to pay more to make sure farm animals were treated humanely, farmworkers got their lunch breaks, bees or birds were protected by the farmer and that ranchers didn't kill predators?

Food labels claim to certify a wide array of sustainable practices. Hundreds of so-called eco-labels have cropped up in recent years, with more introduced every month — and consumers are willing to pay extra for products that feature them.

While eco-labels can play a vital role, experts say their rapid proliferation and lack of oversight or clear standards have confused both consumers and producers.

"Hundreds of eco labels exist on all kinds of products, and there is the potential for companies and producers to make false claims," said Shana Starobin, a food label expert at Duke University's Nicholas School of the Environment.

Eco-labels have multiplied in recent years in response to rising consumer demand for more information about products and increased attention to animal and farmworker welfare, personal health, and the effects of conventional farming on the environment.

"Credible labels can be very helpful in helping people get to what they want to get to and pay more for something they really care about," said Urvashi Rangan, director of consumer safety at Consumer Reports. "The labels are a way to bring the bottom up and force whole industries to improve their practices."

The problem, Rangan and other said, is that few standards, little oversight and a lot of misinformation exist for the growing array of labels.

Some labels, such as the USDA organic certification, have standards set by the federal government to which third party certifiers must adhere. Some involve non-government standards and third-party certification, and may include site visits from independent auditors who evaluate whether a given farm or company has earned the label.

But other labels have little or no standards, or are certified by unknown organizations or by self-interested industry groups. Many labels lack any oversight.

And the problem is global, because California's products get sold overseas and fruits and vegetables from Europe or Mexico with their own eco-labels make it onto U.S. plates.

The sheer number of labels and the lack of oversight create a credibility problem and risk rendering all labels meaningless and diluting demand for sustainably produced goods, Rangan said.

Daniel Mourad of Fresno, a young professional who likes to cook and often shops for groceries at Whole Foods, said he tends to be wary of judging products just by the labels — though sustainable practices are important to him.

"Labels have really confused the public. Some have good intentions, but I don't know if they're really helpful," Mourad said. "Organic may come from Chile, but what does it mean if it's coming from 6,000 miles away? Some local farmers may not be able to afford a label."

In California, voters this week rejected a ballot measure that would have required labels on foods containing genetically modified ingredients.

Farmers like Gena Nonini in Fresno County say labels distinguish them from the competition. Nonini's 100-acre Marian Farms, which grows grapes, almonds, citrus and vegetables, is certified biodynamic and organic, and her raisins are certified kosher.

"For me, the certification is one way of educating people," Nonini said. "It opens a venue to tell a story and to set yourself apart from other farmers out there."

But other farmers say they are reluctant to spend money on yet another certification process or to clutter their product with too much packaging and information.

"I think if we keep adding all these new labels, it tends to be a pile of confusion," said Tom Willey of TD Willey Farms in Madera, Calif. His 75-acre farm, which grows more than 40 different vegetable crops, carries USDA organic certification, but no other labels.

The proliferation of labels, Willey said, is a poor substitute for "people being intimate with the farmers who grow their food." Instead of seeking out more labels, he said, consumers should visit a farmers' market or a farm, and talk directly to the grower.

Since that's still impossible for many urbanites, Consumer Reports has developed a rating system, a database and a web site for evaluating environmental and food labels — one of several such guides that have popped up recently to help consumers.

The guides show that labels such as "natural" and "free range" carry little meaning, because they lack clear standards or a verification system.

Despite this, consumers are willing to pay more for "free range" eggs and poultry, and studies show they value "natural" over "organic," which is governed by lengthy federal regulations.

But some consumers and watchdog groups are becoming more vigilant.

In October, the Animal Legal Defense Fund filed a lawsuit against Petaluma, Calif., organic egg producer of Judy's Eggs over "free range" claims. The company's packaging depicts a hen ranging on green grass, and the inside reads "these hens are raised in wide open spaces in Sonoma Valley..."

Aerial photos of the farm suggest the chickens actually live in factory-style sheds, according to the lawsuit. Judy and Steve Mahrt, owners of Petaluma Farms, said in a statement that the suit is "frivolous, unfair and untrue," but they did not comment on the specific allegations.

Meanwhile, new labels are popping up rapidly. The Food Justice label, certified via third party audits, guarantees a farm's commitment to fair living wages and adequate living and working conditions for farmworkers. And Wildlife Friendly, another third-party audited program, certifies farmers and ranchers who peacefully co-exist with wolves, coyotes, foxes and other predators.

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Follow Gosia Wozniacka at http://twitter.com/GosiaWozniacka

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Salinas' plan to restore hat sculptures garners mixed reviews









When the sculpture outside the Salinas rodeo arena was unveiled in 1982, bands played, Boy Scouts led a salute to the flag and the mayor presented sculptor Claes Oldenburg with a commemorative salad bowl.

"Hat in Three Stages of Landing" was more than a monumental work by the world-renowned Oldenburg and his wife Coosje van Bruggen. It was a point of civic pride, a way to let the world know that Salinas was a place where art and culture thrived along with endless acres of lettuce and broccoli.

Today the veggies are doing fine, but the sculpture — three immense yellow hats pierced with dozens of holes and perched on poles of varying heights — is deteriorating. The 3,500-pound pieces are faded, peeling and etched with graffiti. Kids wander over from the nearby community center to climb on them, and in bad weather homeless people seek shelter beneath them.








For Mayor Dennis Donohue, fixing the hats is a way to set right years of city neglect and put Salinas on the cultural map once again. A radicchio grower stepping down as mayor after three terms, Donohue is asking the City Council to earmark up to $160,000 for the piece's restoration.

"It's an investment that will pay for itself," he said in an interview. "I'm convinced it's a destination opportunity. We can have a festival! If Gilroy does garlic, Salinas can do hats."

A gritty city of 150,000 in a region that grows 80% of the world's lettuce, Salinas calls itself the "Salad Bowl of the World." Its gang problem is serious enough that city officials have conferred with defense analysts from the Naval Postgraduate School in nearby Monterey. Even before the recession, dismal finances nearly forced Salinas to shut its libraries.

Despite the setbacks, a cultural community has made its mark in the blue-collar city. Downtown is anchored by the National Steinbeck Center, a museum honoring writer John Steinbeck. Over the years, the city has grown more positive about its most famous native son, whose books were burned by angry growers outside the town library in 1939.

In 1977, local art boosters secured a $50,000 National Endowment for the Arts grant, and private donors threw in $75,000 more. Soon Oldenburg, the Yale-educated son of a Swedish diplomat, and Van Bruggen, a Dutch-born art scholar, were pondering just what to build in a big grassy field bounded by the rodeo arena, livestock pens, a municipal pool and a civic auditorium.

Oldenburg already was famous for his oversized, slyly humorous take on everyday objects, such as the giant lipstick in a Yale courtyard and a 45-foot-tall steel clothespin in downtown Philadelphia. Later, there would be the huge ice cream cone dumped upside down on a shopping mall roof in Cologne, Germany; the 50-foot-long teaspoon with a 15-foot-high cherry on top in Minneapolis; the three-story binoculars at the heart of a Frank Gehry office building in Venice and dozens more.

"I am for an art that takes its form from the lines of life itself, that twists and extends and accumulates and spits and drips, and is heavy and coarse and blunt and sweet and stupid as life itself," he wrote in a 1961 manifesto.

In Salinas, that credo translated into hats. On a broad, grassy expanse, Oldenburg and his wife could convey a sense that a rodeo rider had tossed off a bright yellow hat, which they captured in three distinct moments of descent.

The design was controversial. Some backers nearly pulled out because they insisted no real cowboy would turn the brim down, as in the design. Oldenburg responded that the brim-down look evoked a saddle. Besides, he said in a 1982 Times interview, the hat also was meant to reflect the area's fieldworkers: "I didn't want the shape to be confining so that one group could say, 'This is our hat, not your hat.' "

Oldenburg said the holes perforating the 18-foot-wide hats were meant to suggest a salad colander, a nod to the biggest business in town.

Even so, some Salinas residents are still riled.

Last May, a letter to the Salinas Californian called the hats "a monstrosity."

"Those so-called sculptures are an insult to our western heritage and to the men who herded stock in the West for more than 100 years," the writer said.

Donohue has heard it before — his father was head of parks and recreation when the sculpture was installed — but he says he's confident that local donors will step up again, reducing the city's financial burden.

"I'm a salesman married to a farmer's daughter," he said. "I think I know what I can sell."

At her shop downtown, Trish Sullivan, founder of a group called Destination Salinas, offers postcards of the hats and bumper stickers urging their restoration. An artist, Sullivan has helped school classes fashion yellow-hat replicas large and small.

"We're still kind of rural," she said. "For us to have a world-class sculpture in our city is pretty amazing."

At 83, Oldenburg still sculpts in New York. He declined an interview request, but people close to the project said the hats were among his favorite projects and one of his first major collaborations with his wife.

"It was always a little disappointing to them that the piece had been subjected to vandalism," said Bill Kreysler, a specialist in architectural and sculptural molding who has worked extensively with Oldenburg. "But over the course of 30 years, a big, giant sculpture painted bright yellow is going to need some work."

If the City Council approves, the hats will be uprooted and trucked to Kreysler's Napa County facility.

Their concrete foundations and steel support beams no longer meet earthquake codes and need to be replaced, he said. Joints between the beams and the hats need to be rewelded. At some point, the city repainted the hats but used the wrong color and the wrong type of paint. Kreysler said Oldenburg will help replicate the original yellow.

That all sounded good to a homeless, 58-year-old carpenter who identified himself only as Daniel.

A two-year resident of the park that's home to the hats, Daniel said he's all for the restoration — even if the money it takes could otherwise be used for homeless services.

"It would be nice to say I expect something from the city, but I don't," he said. "And the hats are beautiful. They're a legacy."

steve.chawkins@latimes.com





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